Early Middle Ages

The Early Middle Ages (c.400–1100 AD) was time of great social change, where Cumbria became melting-pot of different ethnicities: Britons, Angles, Norsemen and Gaels. Although each of these cultures may have had their own ideas of gender and sexuality, the growing dominance of Christianity created a backdrop of increasing intolerance.

Britons and the Church

The culture that emerged in post-Roman Cumbria, as native Britons re-established control after AD 400, was largely a continuation of the pre-Roman Iron Age culture, characterised by kings, warbands, cattle raids and bards. We know too little about this period to say whether older attitudes to sex and gender survived, but the signs are not positive. There were notably no queens recorded for this period — men seem to have dominated society, as they had under the Romans, and women tend to feature in the records only as mothers, daughters or wives, if at all. The scathing 6th-century Christian writer Gildas did refer to sodomy among the contemporary British kings but doesn’t seem to suggest it was widespread.

Although the long Roman occupation may have established new ideas about sex and gender here, it was the introduction of Christianity to Cumbria from the 4th century that made them stick. Early church leaders condemned as unnatural and impure any sexual activity that couldn’t produce children within the confines of heterosexual marriage. Sex became a sin, which anyone could fall prey to. As a result, Christian emperors began to pass laws against male-male sex with severe punishments from the 4th century.

Although Christianity was present before the Romans left Britain and it is thought to have continued afterwards, we cannot know the extent of the church’s control over the population in this period. Both secular and church power are likely to have varied by time and place and many ordinary people must have lived effectively beyond the reach of either. Even if the church did condemn certain acts, its ability to instil its moral teachings into the average person, or to punish transgressions of its laws, was probably fairly limited.

A Pagan Relic?

Early Medieval Cumbria was closely connected with Wales, which shared a similar language, culture and identity. Both areas maintained strong oral storytelling traditions which often included echoes of pre-Christian deities in the guise of rulers of magicians. One story, which survives in the 12th–14th century Welsh Mabinogi but may have earlier origins, is that of the brothers Gwydion and Gilfaethwy. Although the brothers aren’t themselves known to equate with recorded Celtic gods they seem to be the sons of a Celtic earth goddess (Welsh Dôn), brothers of the smith god (Gofannon) and uncles of the important god Lugus (Welsh Lleu).

In the tale told in the Fourth Branch of the Mabinogi, Gilfaethwy becomes infatuated with and rapes the foot-maiden of his uncle, Math, the king of Gwynedd, thanks to a distraction provided by Gwydion. When Math discovers his nephews’ treachery he punishes them by transforming them into three pairs of animals over three years: first a stag and hind, then a boar and sow, and finally a wolf and she-wolf. Each year, the brothers mate and produce offspring before transforming into a new animal of the opposite sex. After three years, Math transforms the brothers and their three sons back into humans.

This story has clear queer elements to it, including transformation of gender and form, ‘male’ pregnancy and same-sex parents, albeit within the context of an enforced punishment. Although we can’t know how far back these elements of the story go, or whether this or similar stories were told in Cumbria, they suggest that concepts of gender fluidity did exist in the Middle Ages, even if they were seen in a negative light.

Sin and Penance

The Northumbrian Angles took control of Cumbria in the 7th century, allowing the English language and culture to filter into the area. They were already Christians when they arrived here, so official attitudes towards sex and gender would have been similar to the native Britons. The church expanded its reach over the following centuries, founding new churches and monasteries across Cumbria. We know there were monasteries at Carlisle, Dacre (left) and Heversham during this period.

Irish and English monks of this period composed detailed lists of sins and appropriate punishments as guidebooks for priests taking confession. In the Northumbrian Penitential, written in the early-8th century, the author draws on earlier sources and the advice of Archbishop Theodore of Canterbury (668–690) to provide the following penances on same-sex activities:

Of Fornication

  • He who often fornicates with a man or with a beast should do penance for ten years.
  • He who, after his twentieth year, has sex with a male shall do penance for fifteen years.
  • A male who fornicates with a male shall do penance for ten years.
  • Sodomites shall do penance for seven years, and effeminate men as an adulteress [i.e. seven or three years].
  • Likewise he who commits this sexual offence once shall do penance for four years. If he has been in the habit of it … fifteen years … If he is a boy, two years for the first offence; four years if he repeats it.
  • If he does this between the thighs, one year or the three forty-day periods.
  • If he defiles himself [masturbates], forty days.
  • Boys who fornicate between themselves, he [Theodore] judged that they shall be whipped.
  • A woman who fornicates with a woman shall do penance for three years.
  • If she has sex with herself, she shall do penance for the same period.
  • The penance of a widow and a girl is the same; she deserves more if she has a husband and fornicates.
  • Those who practice fellatio shall do penance for seven years, this is the worst of evils. Elsewhere it was his judgement that both [participants] shall do penance to the end of life, or twelve years, or as above seven.1

This confusing text tells us that same-sex activity was occurring and that churchmen had a detailed understanding of it, but there was obvious uncertainty about how seriously it was to be taken. It seems strange to modern eyes that male-male ‘fornication’ should be ranked alongside bestiality (and incest and murder), but that oral sex should be described as the ‘worst of all evils’. Women were treated less harshly than men for same-sex activities because the medieval concept of sex had to involve penetration by a man. Punishments for men having sex with women, even if they were married or in the clergy, were generally less severe.

The reference to ‘effeminate men’ and ‘sodomites’ goes back to the Bible (1 Corinthians 6:9–10) which says that ‘soft or effeminate men’ (Latin molles, Greek malakoi) and ‘male bedfellows’ (Latin masculorum concubitores, Greek arsenokoites) would not inherit God’s kingdom. Although ‘effeminate’ here has a wider meaning, referring to behaviour and appearance, it is intimately connected to the idea of being sexually passive, while ‘male bedfellows’ are active partners. This distinction would continue through the Middle Ages with the use of ‘catamite’ (passive) and ‘sodomite’ or ‘bugger’ (active), and up to our own day. The connection between the broader sense of effeminacy and male homosexuality would also continue to be made.

The Law Codes

Secular law codes from the Early Medieval period are mainly interested in maintaining peace, protecting property (including humans) and compensating harm, not in policing morality. Neither the law codes of Wales or of Anglo-Saxon southern England had much interest in sexual offences, although it’s possible that the Old English phrase unriht hǣmed ‘illicit intercourse or marriage’ was used to cover all bases. Since same-sex acts didn’t carry the risk of pregnancy (which could cast doubt on the legitimacy of heirs) and didn’t really affect a man’s rights over his wife or daughters, the laws had little need to condemn them. That doesn’t necessarily mean they were tolerated.

The law codes make clear that men and women had fairly rigidly defined roles and statuses in Early Medieval Britain, with women having fewer rights and lower value than men of the same class. The Laws between the Britons and Scots, which contains fragments of the laws covering northern Cumbria in the 10th and 11th centuries, say that a married woman’s galnys (compensation for killing) and kelchin (compensation for insult or injury) were a third less than her husband’s. People of different classes had even greater variation in value.

In a society where people were expected to stay in their lane, it’s easy to assume that gender variation hardly ever occurred. Archaeology seems to confirm this, as men and women are often buried with distinctively gendered items. But since the items themselves are often used to assume the sex of the grave’s inhabitant (especially where bodies don’t survived), then many cases of gender non-conformity might have been overlooked. This is exactly what happened with a grave from Portway in Hampshire, in which a male skeleton was found with ‘female’ jewellery, reminding us that non-conformity was possible in this era.

The Vikings

Pagan Vikings are known to have tolerated sex between men, as long as it didn’t interfere with the social responsibilities of marrying and fathering children. As with the Romans, taking a passive role in same-sex sex was condemned. Any man who did this, or otherwise strayed into ‘female’ territory, such as practicing certain types of magic, was described as argr. If this or other insults implying effeminacy or passivity in sex (sannsorðenn, stroðinn) were used against a man, he could prosecute or even kill the speaker according to Norwegian and Icelandic laws of the 11th–13th centuries.

The pagan Danes may have been present in Cumbria when the Great Heathen Army came north under Halfdan in 875. There’s some uncertain evidence that they ransacked Carlisle and may have settled in eastern parts of the county, where place-names containing the Danish element þorp (thorp) ‘secondary settlement’ occur (like Hackthorpe and Crackenthorpe).

Most of the Norsemen who came to Cumbria were of Norwegian descent and arrived via Ireland and the Western Isles where they had already been exposed to Christianity. It is unlikely they continued to view homosexuality favourably. The 10th-century Gosforth Cross (right), with its mix of pagan and Christian symbolism, is clear evidence of the transitional period.

Notes

  1. McNeill, J.T. & H.M. Gamer (1938). Medieval Handbooks of Penance, New York: Columbia University, 184-198 ↩︎